profile Paul’s Church has been analyzed from different perspectives since his entry into politics in 2014. One of the journalists who wrote the most about the Podemos leader is Luka Costantin who in the smell of money makes a definitive analysis of the origins of the party that revolutionized Spanish politics and finally pushed the PSOE towards the far left.
In a programme It’s morning Federico from EsRadio the journalist and writer recalled that all the power that Podemos achieved in its early years was “thanks to the fortunate situation” caused by the devastating crisis of 2008. The economic situation that emerged in 2008 serves to revive the left, which was in free fall from moment of the collapse of the USSR.
The rise of the Purple Party and Pablo Iglesia from his entry into politics has been a dazzling milestone for reaching the post of Vice President of the Government. However, Costantini assured that the beginning of the end of Podemos was in 2017, when there was a purge of the Errehonists. He believes that this moment demarcates “two interesting phases” of the game. in which they decide to follow the theses of Iglesias rather than the theses of Inigo Errejon. “What would happen if Podemos decided to re-centralize Health?‘ asked the reporter.
About Errejon, who was looking for a more through party, he indicated that it was “I want and can not be a leader” and this is what Iglesias always “knew”. He believes that the appearance of the old leader in the campaign of Castile and León is due to the fact that the leadership Yolanda Diaz This is similar to what Íñigo Errejón wanted to do with the game.
Luca Costantini noticed that Pablo Iglesias, when he reappears, sends a message “inside” the group, “towards Yolanda”. And she seeks to create a “counterbalance” because if her members disappear from the party, the current Vice President and Secretary of Labor, Pedro Sanchez, will control “who gets on the electoral roll.” “After all, what about mine?”indicated.
As for Yolanda Diaz, he said that Iglesias is back because otherwise she is “sweeping” Podemos. The author pointed out that when they brought her to power, “they thought they would control her, but the problem is that Yolanda Diaz does not let herself be led from the first minuteR”.
The high point of Iglesias in the Sánchez government is a success when viewed from a political standpoint for a party of such recent creation. He believes that in his promotion “very personal factors come into play, such as pride and selfishness” and that is why “he reaches the top by entering the government of a Western country.” For Luca Costantini, “the problem is that comes in as a crutch for Pedro Sanchez, whom he doesn’t have much respect for and considers him intellectually handicapped.
“The paradox is that Sanchez is the legacy of Pablo Iglesias.”, — said Luca Costantini. The writer explained that “the new PSOE is the work of Pablo Iglesias”, citing examples such as the pact Frankenstein.
Thereafter “Iglesias understands that the government is on fire” and that is why he left and “returns to the roots.” “I think he is smart because he has kept a certain purity in his political segment. He returns to the original character, and we see him with a new program,” he said. Costantini also pointed out that there is “a clear protagonist element” in his flight from the government. He recalled that “his boss was Pedro Sanchez and he preferred to be the boss of something smaller, what was left of Podemos, and that’s why he’s fighting this war with Yolanda Diaz.”
Podemos Gap
The writer emphasized that Podemos breaks “internal wars”. “If you ask the core of Pablo Iglesias, it is that Errejon betrayed them.“because” they understand the assault on power as a blitzkrieg and almost hit. “They lacked” a handful of votes. This is in Vistalegre II, when “Podemos loses its internal current” and at the end “diluted” Galapagar arrives, which is symbolic “- he recalled.
“How do they make this decision?” asked Luca Costantini. The writer said that “it’s very interesting” because “Iglesias simply understands that he wants to live outside of Madrid. and his entourage, instead of telling him that it will be difficult for him to explain that he is going to live in a chalet with all the privileges of the caste, he is told that the downpour will last for several days. “He told him that Juanma del Olmo“, he pointed out.
The Galapagar chalet crisis prompted “another purge” as “they are having an internal consultation to see who voted up or down.” Thereafter “There remains a very small group of people” “a very self-centered party” and, in addition, “Pedro Sánchez robbed him of ideas and initiative.”
Then an incident happened Dina Bosselham. On this issue, he recalled his time in the cabinet of Pablo Iglesias when he was an MEP, and shortly thereafter “he left the core of Pablo Iglesias and was forgotten.” It happens in 2018 when the police call her and tell her they found a copy of her stolen card on Villarejo’s computer when she returns to “recuperate” in Podemos.
Lenin, the example of Iglesias
To search for the ideological origins of Pablo Iglesias, it is necessary not only to go through his relationship with Bolivarianism or Enrico Berlinger with the Italian Communist Party. The origin of Iglesias should be traced back to Vladimir Lenin.
Luca Costantini explained that “The figure of Lenin is necessary for understanding Pablo Iglesias”. The creator of Podemos is “a post-Leninist with great charisma,” said the writer and journalist, who sees Iglesias’ courage as “something that Errejon didn’t have.” He also talked about his leadership and how he cares about the people around him. He said that Pablo Iglesias “pretty much belongs to him”, a man “from the area”, and for this reason he defended Monedero when money from Venezuela was discovered. “He is so personal that when the enemy is in front of him, it’s terrible,” he said.